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Date: 06.01.2018

El port (1932)

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Background[ edit ] Social unrest in El Salvador had begun to grow in the s, primarily because of the perceived abuses of the political class , and the broad social inequality between the landowners and the peasants. Army officer stated in that, "there appears to be nothing between these high-priced cars, and the oxcart with its barefoot attendant. There is practically no-middle class. The national coffee-growing industry had grown with the accumulation of riches of a small group of landowners and merchants [7] [10] who had purchased large portions of land and employed a great number of peasants, many of whom were indigenous.

By , pay consisted of two tortillas and two spoonfuls of beans at the beginning and end of each day. This led to local monopolies which drove up the price of food. Coffee beans were the main produce of El Salvador In , the head of a U. McCafferty, wrote a letter to his government explaining the Salvadoran situation, stating that farm animals were worth more than workers as they were in high demand and had better commercial value.

Although the law did not grant any powers or official recognition of the caciques , the natives respected and obeyed their authority. The cacicques led these partnerships, and represented the unemployed before the authorities and supervised their work.

On the other hand, the crisis intensified due to the permanent conflict between the indigenous and non-indigenous populations. The rebellion was also preceded by political instability.

El Salvador had been ruled since by economic liberal elites who had presided over a long period of relative stability. Arturo Araujo was elected during the elections, amid a severe economic crisis. For example, theft was punished with the amputation of a hand. Causes of the conflict[ edit ] Many incidents and situations directly influenced the conflict. On one side, the Salvadoran Army was organized to fend off any uprisings. The peasants indigenous and non-indigenous were beginning to rise up against the local authorities in an unorganized manner.

The Salvadoran Army in [ edit ] The army was organized into regiments of infantry, artillery, machine guns and cavalry. The most commonly used weapon was the German-made Gewehr The army was under the direct orders of the President and had the defense of the State as its primary objective. Preceding peasant rebellions[ edit ] Given the circumstances of poverty and inequality, some peasants who were stripped of their land and subjected to poorly paid work began to rebel against the landlords and the authorities.

This began on an individual basis, which made it easier for the authorities to detain or threaten the rebels. The big landlords had close ties to military authorities, so defense of the haciendas was performed by official security forces. Therefore, efforts remained isolated and disperse and were easily suppressed.

Security forces arrested rebels, many of whom were later sentenced to death by firing squad or hanging. However, it is known that many peasant leaders were convicted, as were many public officials who collaborated with them in any way. Electoral processes in that era were subject to serious criticism.

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Votes had to be made publicly with the authorities. This practice broadly favored official candidates by sowing fear among voters and hindering democratic participation. By the end of January , the national situation had become chaotic. Security forces detained any groups or individuals involved in subversive or revolutionary acts.

There is no evidence to support the position that the peasant uprising was carried out by the PCS, but due to the dates on which both uprisings occurred, the armed forces responded equally to both movements.

The uprising[ edit ] In the late hours of January 22, , thousands of peasants in the western part of the country rose up in rebellion against the regime. It is estimated that peasant rebels killed no more than people. His wife was raped and later murdered. Several other military leaders and government officials were also executed. It is said that indigenous peoples attacked privated property and committed vandalism and other crimes against entire towns.

There is evidence to support this claim, though it is possible that these were merely opportunists joining the uprising to carry out criminal acts.

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The participation of the indigenous peoples and peasants in the looting cannot be conclusively confirmed or denied. The primary motive of the events, however, can be guaranteed. The coincidental timing of both uprisings and the similar causes lead to the conclusion that they were linked, or even coordinated.

Some theories contend that the PCS used the economic turmoil to convince the peasants to act together and rise against the regime. Government reaction[ edit ] The government reacted swiftly, recovering lost territory by means of a military deployment aimed at suppressing the rebellion.

The civil guards were volunteers who took up service for the security forces to assist in patrolling, and when necessary, fought alongside the military. The ships were requested by Britain , in order to protect any British citizens in the country.

However, the chief of operations in El Salvador turned down the offer, stating: His counterpart, Feliciano Ama, was lynched and his body was later hung in the town square while schoolchildren were forced to attend. Upon arrival they were examined, and those with indigenous features were arrested. Several were forced to dig mass graves, which they were thrown into after being shot.

According to the commander of the operacion, 4, members of the PCS were killed, [12] although this figure is difficult to verify. After the conflict, survivors attempted to flee to Guatemala ; in response, president Jorge Ubico ordered the border to be closed, handing over anyone who attempted to cross to the Salvadoran army. In the decade following the uprising, military presence in the area was persistent with the objective of keeping the peasants under control so that the events did not recur.

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The statement was made during the inauguration of the First Congress of Indigenous Peoples. Media coverage is moderate, but the commemoration is supported by municipal authorities who pay tribute to all who were killed during the event. Speakers include people who lived through the event, and relatives of Feliciano Ama.